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These activities include having dinner at a restaurant, tasting a manвЂ™s cooking, singing at a karaoke bar, shopping in a video rental store, etc. Throughout the movie, they meet with different kinds of men and accompany them in various activities. Feeling like a train that travels on a predetermined track, Hiromi follows her friends and begins doing the same. Her parents do not pay much attention to her and Hiromi often hangs out with her three closest friends who have been going on subsidized dates.

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In Hideaki AnnoвЂ™s 1998 movie Love & Pop, the main character, a 16-year-old high school girl named Hiromi, goes on subsidized dates in order to purchase a ring she adores.

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Several examples from films and television series are listed below. Only later does she stop when a friend or individual intervenes and informs her of the potential risks and consequences of her behavior. The typical scenario involves a girl desperate for money, so she decides to partake in enjo-kЕЌsai. Within Japan, the media tends to show enjo-kЕЌsai in a rather negative light. Sooner or later, these girls and young women would, in a desire for financial independence, tap into this market for their own empowerment. Feminists such as Chizuko Ueno point out that the accidental access of girls to this dating market was not a matter of ethics, but of probability. Good women in Japan are supposed to be sensible, modest, nurturing and respectful, yet girls participating in enjo-kЕЌsai clearly reject such virtues of female restraint and modesty in Japan. Control over their bodies and means to support themselves is a new kind of independence for these girls.

However, certain feminist groups and critics find enjo-kЕЌsai to be empowering and as an act to вЂњundermine patriarchal models propriety used to evaluate and control womenвЂќ. This perception arises from suspicions that when these girls are adults, they will quickly abandon their loyalties and commitments to their family for offers of money and material benefits. Critics worry that girls involved in enjo-kЕЌsai will grow up to be unfit wives and mothers. Typically, it is perceived as an extension of Japan's growing focus on materialism, much of which is what critics claim is the cause of enjo-kЕЌsai.

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A 1997 poll in the Japanese TV Asahi program Asa Made Nama Terebi showed that 70 percent of respondents opposed enjo-kЕЌsai, while 30 percent approved of it. Generally in Japan, enjo-kЕЌsai is looked down upon as a large-scale social problem. Statistics show that the majority of girls are not delving into the realm of sexual exchange. ДЇurthermore, in a 1998 survey by the Asian Women's Fund, researchers found that fewer than 10 percent of all high school girls engage in enjo-kЕЌsai and over 90 percent of the girls interviewed attested to feeling uncomfortable with the exchange or purchase of sexual services for money. Anthropologist Laura Miller argues in her research that the majority of enjo-kЕЌsai dates consists of groups of girls going with a group of older men to a karaoke bar for several hours and being paid for their time.

Many groups, including women's centers and associations within Japan include вЂњthe exchange of a girl's company or timeвЂќ as part of this equation and insist that these other activities define enjo-kЕЌsai. However, to label enjo-kЕЌsai by the most basic definition of prostitution whereby one attains money through the exchange of sexual acts, excludes an array of other activities. The most common connotation is that it is a form of child prostitution whereby participating girls sell their bodies in exchange for designer goods or money. What constitutes enjo-kЕЌsai is heavily contested within Japan.